The Mansion of Little Ibrahim Bey
It was the night of July 21, 1798. The fires still burned and the bodies still lay uncollected in Imbaba across the Nile from Cairo, where earlier that day the army of France had routed Egypt’s ruling Mamluk beys. Napoleon now wanted to take his prize, the city. He sent an advance force across the river led by one of his veteran commanders, Gen. Dominique Martin Dupuy.
Appointed governor of Cairo, Dupuy took up residence in the abandoned mansion of a Mamluk bey that stood at this spot, now the site of the Hilmiyya Girls Middle School.
Overall, the French were not impressed by Cairo. One volunteer in Dupuy’s 32nd Demi-Brigade complained in his letters of the stench and filth of the streets as they marched into the city. What did impress them were the grand houses of the Mamluk elite. The mansion that Dupuy moved into was “the most beautiful saray in Cairo,” the volunteer writes.
Dupuy himself showed the first symptoms of the Orientalist Allure that would seize the French during their occupation of Egypt. Ensconced in the luxurious mansion, he joked to his men, “Believe me, even surrounded by these nymphs, I’m committed to my vows to my love, Europe. I just hope that sticks.”
Bust of Martin Dominique Dupuy in the Capitole de Toulouse
Where were the owners of the mansion?
The lady of the house, Adila, was the daughter of Ibrahim Bey the Great, the Mamluk grandee who along with his partner in power Murad Bey had effectively ruled Egypt for the past decade or more. By this point, Adila had fled the city along with her father in the mass panic after the disastrous Battle of Imbaba.
Adila’s husband — Little Ibrahim Bey, as he was known — was dead. His body was floating somewhere down the Nile after his ignominious end in the same battle.
French and Arabic witness accounts all depict the Battle of Imbaba as a theater of futile courage by the Mamluks.
As the French marched through the Delta toward Cairo, Murad Bey dug in at Imbaba on the western bank of the Nile, setting up barricades where he deployed his artillery, infantry and cavalry.
Map of the battle, from the 1827 edition of “Histoire de l'expédition d'Égypte et de Syrie,” by Jean-Joseph Ader . Bibliotheque National de France. It’s often called the Battle of the Pyramids, though obviously the pyramids were way, way, way off in the distance.
When they arrived, Napoleon directed his troops toward the center of the Mamluk defenses. Murad Bey hurled his cavalry at them, hoping to break their formations. Instead, they fell in droves under heavy French fire.
“Crushed by grapeshot ... the bravest Mamluks found death” before the French lines, Capt. Nicolas-Philibert Desvernois wrote in his memoirs.
Desvernois recounted how “one daring bey, a heroic warrior,” charged at the French alongside 40 horsemen. They were magnificent, he marvelled: They gripped their sabers and bridles in their teeth and brandished pistols in each hand. Their turbans were brilliant canary-yellow cashmere. Their saddles were embroidered in gold.
“All of them succumbed.”
Page from an account of the battle by a volunteer in the French military at the time, with an engraving of a Mamluk in combat. From “Histoire d’un Regiment, le 32eme Demi-Brigade,” 1890. Bibliotheque National de France
That daring bey was NOT our Little Ibrahim Bey (or Ibrahim Bey el-Wali as he’s more properly named).
He was on the other side of the river, where most of Cairo’s male population, gripped by fear, lined the banks to watch the battle. Sufis chanted, played drums and blared trumpets, pleading to God for victory. Clerics recited the Quran and encyclopedias of the Prophet Mohammed’s Hadith to bring blessings. Little Ibrahim Bey and other Mamluk commanders crowded onto boats to join the battle, only to be met by strong winds blowing sand in their faces.
By the time they reached the Imbaba side, the French forces had broken through Murad Bey’s barricades. The Ottoman historian al-Jabarti described the chaos:
“Everything was dark from the clouds of gunpowder and dust ... No one could hear because of the noise of gunfire. People felt like the earth was shaking and the sky had collapsed upon them.”
The moment they reached shore, Little Ibrahim Bey and those with him turned to flee again. They plunged back into the river with their horses and tried to swim back across. Hundreds drowned. One chronicler of the battle, Nicola el-Turk, tells a probably fanciful story that Little Ibrahim Bey tried to climb into a boat on the Nile, but its crew beat him back into the water with their oars, shouting, “It’s your tyranny that brought us to this!”
His body was never found.
In Egyptians’ memories of the day, his fate was sharply contrasted to the heroism of another Mamluk commander, Ayyub Bey al-Daftardar.
Two months earlier, Ayyub Bey had seen in a dream that the French were coming and that he would die in battle, the historian al-Jabarti tells us. So as the French approached Imbaba, he ritually washed himself, prayed, and proclaimed his readiness to die a martyr. Ayyub Bey was among the first to charge against the French lines, roaring at them as he galloped, “We will fill the tombs with your bodies!”
He was quickly gunned down, his body trampled under the hooves of the many horses.
“He passed as a martyr, pure and forgiven, washed in the blood of fury,” one poet wrote in a eulogy, adding pointedly: “He did not drown.”
By the evening, Murad Bey and his remaining forces had fled for Upper Egypt, and French troops were bombarding across the river into Boulaq. Along the way through Giza, Murad Bey set fire to a shipload of his own ammunition to keep it from falling into French hands. The massive fire blazing in the darkness only added to the Cairenes’ terror during that apocalyptic night. Everyone fled the city, al-Jabarti writes. The emirs rushed out their wealth and their households. The poor carried what possessions they could. “Women left walking with their children on their shoulders, weeping in the darkness.” Bandits waited outside the gates of Cairo to loot and rape those fleeing.
“What took place had never happened in Egypt before,” al-Jabarti mourns.
By the time Gen. Dupuy and men entered after nightfall, Cairo felt like an empty ghost town. A little column of soldiers in a strange city, they wound their way in the darkness through the alleyways, led by a drummer keeping the beat of the march. They quickly got lost. Exhausted, they broke into a house at around 1 a.m to wait until morning.
Once installed in Little Ibrahim Bey’s mansion, Dupuy would not have long to enjoy it.
In October, riots erupted when the French imposed new taxes. A mob at Al-Azhar Mosque surrounded the nearby house of a cleric allied to the French. Dupuy charged out to intervene with only a handful of men. When he saw the size of the crowd, he tried to pull back, only to get trapped in an alley. There, he was overwhelmed. A lance skewered him just below his armpit and sliced through an artery.
Dupuy bled to death within eight minutes, Napoleon wrote in his report back to Paris on the incident.
The French crushed the revolt over the next day or two, fanning troops through the city and even bombarding Al-Azhar at one point. Thousands of Cairenes were killed.
The location of Little Ibrahim Bey’s mansion, marked in white, as it was at the time of the French occupation — #142 on the French Savants’ map,
Over the following years of turmoil, the French were driven out of Egypt, the Ottoman sultan in Istanbul reestablished his rule, only to lose it again as Mohammed Ali Pasha seized power, making Egypt virtually independent. Over this time, Little Ibrahim Bey’s mansion changed hands several times among various occupants.
In the 1840s and 1850s, Mohammed Ali’s grandson, Khedive Abbas Hilmy I transformed this district.. First, he drained the nearby Birket el-Fil Lake, opening up a large empty space, then he tore down whatever mansions of Mamluk grandees were in his path. In its place he built his grandiose, European-style Hilmiyya Palace. Little Ibrahim Bey’s mansion was among those razed, and its plot was incorporated into the palace’s extensive gardens.
This is the 1874 map of Pierre Grande Bey. The former site of the mansion is in black, now part of the gardens next to the Hilmiyya Palace
Hilmiyya Palace, in turn, was torn down in the 1890s. The current street network was laid out, dividing up the palace and its grounds into residential blocks. The elite of the era bought them up and built a new generation of mansions.
The same area in a 1915-1921 map. The black square is the former site of Little Ibrahim Beh’s mansion, now the site of a new mansion. The Hilmiyya Palace is gone, replaced by a grid of streets.
And that brings us to this grand portal that stands before us — unidentified, unexplained and incongruous, embedded in the drab modern wall surrounding the Hilmiyya Girls Middle School.
It was no doubt once part of the entrance to the post-1890s mansion that appears in the 1915-1921 map. Unfortunately, I can’t find any record online identifying its owner. The most likely candidate is Hussein Pasha Wassif, after whom the neighboring street is named (1).
I find this a good spot to imagine the succession of architectures that would have stood here, each reflecting its particular era.
Little Ibrahim Bey’s mansion would have been a typical Ottoman-era beit (2). It gives a blank face to the outside world, presenting it only with mashrabiyya windows and spare outer walls that give no idea of the shape within. A modest entrance door leads to a narrow, bent corridor. But suddenly that opens onto a sun-lit interior courtyard and the wide, lofty expanses of reception halls laid with carpets and cushions. Overhead, an arcaded loggia suggests further spaces. The mashrabiyyas of the private harem chambers upstairs peer down from the overhangs.
Nothing is symmetrical. Discreet doorways and staircases lead to the maze of small interior chambers. Rooms are placed to catch and funnel breezes in the summer or to avoid them in the winter. Niches in the walls hide books and ewers. Within the mansion walls, inside and outside mix together in odd, unexpected ways. The cool of shade and the heat of sunshine are strategically managed, each to step in when needed and step away when unwanted, like discreet house servants.
In contrast, the mansion that eventually replaced it in the late 19th century would have been in a European style. The urban planners of the Mohammed Ali Dynasty had declared European residential architecture to the model for Egypt’s future, bringing symmetry and modernity to clear away what they considered the disorder of the past (3).
As the Egyptian Survey Department’s 1921 map shows, the mansion that stood here was a perfect square with a porch or terrace on each face. Surrounded with gardens, the mansion aims to impress the outside world, presenting it an elaborate but balanced façade. A grand staircase sweeps the visitor to the entrance. Inside, rooms branch off the entry hall with ordered symmetry, left and right, each a proper square or rectangle with a proper purpose — a salon, a dining room, a sitting room. A central grand stair leads to the private quarters of the upper floors. Everything would have been decorated in the classical revival elements of the Belle Epoque: colonnades in classical orders, a pediment for every window and every corner stacked with quoins.
This surviving portal we see here was part of a set of entry buildings at the gates of the mansion grounds, which may have included a salamlik, a salon where male guests could be received without entering the house, a common feature of mansions at the time.
This 1933 map shows the shape of the mansion even more clearly, though by this time it had been turned into a school and new buildings had been erected on the north wall. The wall of the mansion’s grounds are outlined in dark black, the mansion and the entrance portal in a lighter black
It’s something of a miracle that the portal was preserved.
It is modest in decoration — or any decorative moldings it once had have been stripped away. Its main feature is its nicely carved wooden door with a fan window above it, framed by stone pilasters on either side and by an entablature and keystone scroll on top. This sort of door arrangement was common in the late 1880s to early 1900s, and once you realize it’s a distinct element, you notice it all over the place in alleys around Historic Cairo. This one differs in that it's bigger, and the fan window above the door has been inflated into a large, grilled horseshoe arch to give a bit of grandeur.
There’s one more architectural stage at this site that’s easily overlooked: the school.
The mansion was used as a girls’ school from the early 1930s at least until 1958, according to maps from those times. Soon after, it was torn down and a new school building erected, part of President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s drive to bring education to the masses.
Nasser’s regime built hundreds of these schools, working from a set of standardized models drawn up by its School Premises State Foundation, as architectural historian Mohamed Elshahed and historian Farida Makar describe in their exhibit New Schools/Future Egyptians. (A link to the exhibit page is here and Elshahed’s Instagram post on it here.)
The designs were modernist and functional, cheap to build and easy to replicate: Rows of classrooms on two or three floors in long, clean, horizontal lines, all in brick and concrete.
The physical goal was to quickly provide classroom space for hundreds of thousands of children who had long gone without schooling. The other goal was more ambitious: to create a new sort of citizen. The ever-repeating, out-of-the-kit school design was “an efficient way to assimilate a new generation of Egyptian youth into the revolutionary state’s vision of nationalism, socialism, and revolution,” Elshahed and Makar write.
Most of these SPSF schools were heavily damaged in the 1993 earthquake, and since then almost all of them have been replaced, Elshahed and Makar say.
I presume that’s the case here at the Hilmiyya Girls Middle School. Which brings us to what stands before us now. Any sleek modernism that was once here is gone. It’s replaced by the style too common in the past decades, one shaped by neglect and steady decay and rooted not in the goal of building citizens but in a general contempt for them.
(1) The historian Amr Talaat mentions a document showing that Hussein Pasha Wassif built one of his several mansions on the former gardens of the Hilmiyya Palace, which would fit the bill for this location. It’s in Talaat’s very nice overview of the palace and the district, “The Master of Diamonds in al-Hilmiyya,” at this link.
The question is, which Hussein Pasha Wassif? There are several possibilities.
So come stroll with me down the Rabbit Hole of the multiple Wassif Pashas.
Hussein Pasha Wassif #1: The half-brother of famed nationalist leader Mustafa Kamel. This Wassif Pasha was not involved in politics and was elderly by the time he was brought in to serve as Public Works minister for a few months in 1922 and again in 1929. As one British official described him in a report back to London: “He is a frail, respectable old gentleman whom everyone seems surprised to find still alive.”
Hussein Pasha Wassif #2: Here the Rabbit Hole twists and turns. We know that this Hussein Pasha Wassif was implicated in a slavery scandal. Or he may have been implicated in two different slavery scandals. Or perhaps there were two different Hussein Pasha Wassifs involved in two different slavery scandals.
To explain:
Imports of slaves from Sudan were banned under an 1877 treaty with Britain. Still, the trade continued underground, and British officials and Egyptian leaders were constantly trying to crack down on it. In April 1880, it was discovered that slave traders had arrived in the southern city of Assiout with a large caravan of enslaved men and women from Darfur. The Egyptian government sent troops, arresting 34 traders and setting free dozens of enslaved people. Among those prosecuted was the governor of Assiout, who was accused of turning a blind eye to the caravan or even working with the slave traders. He was removed from his post, convicted and served 21 days in prison. His name: Hussein Pasha Wassif.
Let’s call him #2a.
Then in 1894, a group of Bedouin slave traders brought six enslaved Darfuri women to Cairo to sell. To avoid detection, they discretely inquired around the homes of the elite, looing for buyers. They managed to sell the women to a prominent doctor and three pashas, including one Hussein Pasha Wassif. The sale was uncovered, and the slave traders and the four buyers were arrested, charged and put on trial.
A British Foreign Office report on the trial identifies this Wassif Pasha only as a former director of the Awqaf.
The incident blew up because one of the pashas who bought the women was none other than the speaker of Egypt’s parliament, Ali Pasha Sherif. Moreover, Ali Pasha Sherif had been publicly insisting for months that slavery no longer existed in Egypt and demanding that the British-run office enforcing the slave trade ban be disbanded.
The trial turned into a cause celebre in both the British and Egyptian press, fueled by imperial politics, as Eve Trout-Powell explains in her book “A Different Shade of Colonialism.” The Egyptian nationalist media portrayed the trial as yet another sign of Britain colonialists imposing their will on Egypt. British newspapers, on the other hand, painted the slave-buying pashas as yet more proof Egypt was incapable of ruling itself.
Adding to the drama was the unprecedented scene of the enslaved Sudanese women, the most marginalized of the marginalized, testifying in court against members of the highest echelons of society. In the end, the doctor and five Bedouin slave traders were convicted; Wassif Pasha and another pasha were acquitted despite overwhelming evidence against them. Ali Pasha Sherif confessed to buying three of the women and was forced to resign from his post, but doctors deemed him unfit to undergo trial because of his age.
Was this Hussein Pasha Wassif the same person as #2a? Probably: In a report to London on the case, an aide to Lord Cromer, Rennel Rodd, mentions that one of the accused pashas was previously convicted for a similar crime. But he doesn’t identify him, and beyond that, I find no solid confirmation.
To be safe, we’ll call this one #2b.
Image of the enslaved women in the case. From the Sept-Oct 1894 edition of The Anti-Slavery Reporter, the journal of The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society
Hussein Pasha Wassif #3: This one strikes me as the most likely to be the mansion’s owner since he seems to be the richest and most prominent. He was a lawyer who rose up through the Justice Ministry, served as a judge, then was general director of the Suez Canal from 1895-1904. He and his wife Asma Hanim Halim, a great-granddaughter of Mohammed Ali Pasha, amassed extensive properties, including several mansions, farmland and other buildings. They were well known for their charity work and patronage of the arts and helped found a music institute.
Image of Hussein Pasha Wassif from “Safwat al-Asr” (1926) by Zaki Fahmi. Dar Hindawi edition, (2013)
They also had no children and needed an heir. So when their gardener’s wife gave birth to a boy, Asma Hanim took the infant to Switzerland, stayed there a year, pretended to give birth, and then returned to Cairo, presenting baby Kamal as her own.
Unfortunately, the ruse was uncovered by Asma’s sister, whose sons stood to inherit the fortune if Wassif Pasha and Asma Hanim remained childless. Asma was forced to name her nephews as her heirs.
But Asma, who was widowed when Wassif Pasha died in 1923, found another way to keep a large chunk of her money out of the hands of her nephews, as Francesca Petricca discovered in her 2012 article “Filling the Void: Sharia in Mixed Courts in Egypt’s Jurisprudence.”
In 1930, Asma declared more than 900 feddans of farmland and a number of her urban properties as a “waqf,” or charitable trust. She named Egypt’s Royal Geographic Society as the trust’s beneficiary and named King Fouad as its supervisor. This meant that the properties were kept out of the inheritance and that, in theory, the king would ensure all income from them went to the Geographic Society in perpetuity after Asma’s death.
In fact, the proceeds went to Asma’s “adopted” son Kamal — probably after she set up the whole arrangement with a bribe to the king, Petricca surmises. On top of that, Asma took out a mortgage against the properties, even though Islamic law forbids using waqfs as collateral in a loan.
When Asma Hanim died in 1936, her nephews went to court to get the waqf annulled so they could inherit her properties, but the judge rejected their claim. While they didn’t get their hands on the land, they did inherit her debt, so they were forced to pay off the remainder of the loan she’d taken out. And so Asma Hanim succeeded in screwing over her grasping nephews from beyond the grave.
Kamal, meanwhile, “lived a comfortable life thanks to the Wassif-Halim fortune,” dying in Cairo in 2003, Petricca writes.
(2) Similar to Beit al-Sennari in Sayeda Zeinab, which the French also seized to house their army of savants who put together the Description de l’Egypte, or the earlier Beit Zeinab Khatoun behind Al-Azhar.
(3) “The modern ordinary: changing culture of urban living in Egypt's traditional quarters at the turn of the twentieth century,” Mohamed Gamal Abdelmonem.